17 December 2014

The Clinical Art of Pain Medicine: Balancing Evidence, Experience, Ethics, and Policy

Blackwell Synergy - Pain Medicine, Volume 6 Issue 4 Page 277-279, July 2005 (Full Text)
The Clinical Art of Pain Medicine: Balancing Evidence, Experience, Ethics, and Policy

* Rollin M. Gallagher, MD, MPH
Editor-in-Chief

Efficacy, effectiveness, morbidity risks, and costs are four metrics that inform our conscious clinical reasoning about treatment for each patient. These metrics also inform general treatment strategies for different patient groups defined by characteristics such as mechanism, disease, age, comorbidities, and insurance coverage. Physician factors such as bias and values, sometimes unconscious, may also affect clinical reasoning. The Spine Section herein, while arguing best practices for zygapophysial blocks, highlights the importance of carefully considering the source and meaning of our metrics in pain medicine practice.

Efficacy tells us about the chances of pain relief and its expected magnitude from any treatment, based on double-blind, placebo-controlled clinical trials in specific clinical populations. Effectiveness, a less precise metric usually derived from extended open label clinical trials and clinical experience, informs us of the performance of a treatment in a practice setting where factors such as convenience, comorbidities, and tolerability influence our decisions. Tricyclic antidepressants for neuropathic pain or depression are a good example––efficacy is established, but effectiveness in the field, which is enhanced by side-effects such as nighttime sedation and by once-a-day dosing convenience, is limited by both side-effect burden and concerns about toxicity and drug–disease interactions (e.g., arrhythmias, hypotension, urinary retention, suicide). Morbidity risks may emerge in early clinical trials, but sometime only after large populations are exposed to a particular drug or procedure in routine clinical practice over years or in large, postapproval multicenter trials. Nonsteroid anti-inflammatory drug (NSAIDS) (gastrointestinal and renal risk), Cox 2 inhibitors (cardiovascular risk), and spinal surgery for nonspecific low back pain (failed back surgery syndrome) are examples of risks that emerged in the public's awareness long after treatments were widely used in the field. Costs may influence practitioners’ decisions about what to recommend, and patients’ decisions about what prescriptions to fill and what advice to follow. Managed care plans require time-consuming preapproval for many treatments and may sanction physician outliers. Well-insured or wealthy patients often ignore cost, which for others may preclude filling a prescription or using it correctly ("a little is better than none"). As a general rule, when medicine fails to develop cost-effectiveness models for practice, a business model prevails and restricts practice. Business knows that withholding treatment for costs implies an administrative, rather than therapeutic, relationship to the patient, and that this position is uncomfortable for most physicians.

What is our metric for deciding when a procedure is justified for any one patient? Can we weigh the cost-effectiveness of a treatment against our patient's hopes for relief ? If initial treatment is ineffective, when does our own insecurity influence our decisions? When is consultation appropriate? Dr. Schofferman [1] reminds us that conventional wisdom based on extensive research suggests that a two-point reduction in pain on a 0–10 scale is clinically significant and that many investigators consider a 50% improvement to be significant when evaluating efficacy [2]. In our practices we chip away at the pain, using the additive benefit of several modalities to bring the pain down to a level that enables the patient to enjoy a meaningful quality of life. Ultimately, a level 4 may be as low as we can get without intolerable side-effects; if level 4 improves quality of life and achieves a patient's desired goals (if not complete relief, then return to work or other meaningful activity), we consider treatment successful. Complete relief often seems ephemeral in pain clinics for two reasons: first, the "simple" cases with one or a few isolated lesions causing pain that respond to a block or neuroablative procedure may be treated successfully before referral; second, the cases that are referred have more complex pain (multiple mechanisms, including progressive tissue damaging disease or central nervous system damage) or more complex clinical problems (e.g., medical or psychiatric comorbidities). This reality indicates the fundamental problem with our model of sequential care in pain medicine––we often do not see the patient until after a succession of treatment failures by others, and the resulting complications of poor pain relief [3].

Articles by Drs Barnsely [4] and Bogduk [5] in the Spine Section argue another perspective––that only complete relief from pain, no pain, is the gold standard outcome upon which treatments should be judged. Barnsley, in a study of a consecutive sample of patients who underwent neurotomy of the medial branches of the cervical dorsal rami to palliate chronic zygapophysial joint pain, used complete relief of pain as the indicator of successful outcome. This was obtained for 36 of 45 cases (80%) for a mean of 35 weeks and is, indeed, a very impressive result. Although this study is not placebo controlled, the magnitude of effect (complete relief) argues strongly for effectiveness. (A recent study of subanesthetic ketamine in complex regional pain syndrome [6], using a similar metric, similarly argues for the effectiveness of a new treatment in what many have considered a treatment-resistant disease). Bogduk's review of the evidence for the efficacy of steroid injections into lumbar zygapophysial joints uses the same criterion for success. However, his review suggests little more than placebo effect for this procedure when used in the lumbar region.

Schofferman's commentary [1] cogently present a different perspective. He argues that pain specialists, particularly experienced clinicians, often treat outliers, patients that do not conform to the strict selection criteria required in a research protocol. These patients may have several causes of pain and are more likely to have failed conventional treatment and to have comorbidites. He suggests that the clinical art of medicine, informed by but not dictated by evidence-based medicine (EBM), should determine our behavior as clinicians. He also suggests that ethical principles ("do no harm") inform these decisions––that not doing something that might relieve pain, when its potential harm is minimal and the chances of success reasonable, given the available information, is not "best practices."

I agree that practicing the clinical art of pain medicine should be guided by this combination of values (evidence, clinical needs, and ethics) in pain practice (see Dubois M, Pain Medicine 2005;6[3]). We should add to that equation the value of a mindfulness of social policy. This perspective is particularly important for a field engaged now in a struggle to establish its professional authority through EBM and public accountability. The physician caring for a patient with unrelenting pain feels a moral imperative to ease suffering. Some may respond by trying anything that might work. If it is well reimbursed, then, as Dr. Bogduk suggests, our economic "imperative" is satisfied, and we are gratified in testing our clinical skills. Many consider this posture irresponsible, because it jeopardizes our professional standing as a field. A more nuanced approach, recognizing all the factors that might influence outcome, is needed. Trying a procedure as an isolated treatment without addressing a patient's risks for poor outcome is unwise clinically and, to many, unethical because of its cumulative negative effects on social policy as regards our specialty. The ultimate negative outcome would be reducing the public's access to our effective treatments. Although today this behavior may be reimbursed, it reduces our professional authority and makes tomorrow's reimbursement for our effective procedures less likely. The highest clinical art imbeds procedures in a plan that addresses other salient risks, thus improving cost-effectiveness and enhancing our reputation. Ultimately, calm demeanor and reasoned judgment, informed by education, training, experience, ethical principles, and emerging evidence, is the medical product that society will deem invaluable.

1 Schofferman J. Commentary to a narrative review of intra-articular corticosteroid injections for low back pain. Pain Med 2005; 6( 4): 297– 8 .
2 Farrar J, Young J, LaMoreaux L, Werth J, Poole M. Clinical importance of changes in chronic pain intensity measured on an 11-point numerical pain rating scale. Pain 2001; 94: 149– 58.
3 Gallagher RM. Pain medicine and primary care: A community solution to pain as a public health problem. Med Clin North Am 1999; 83( 5): 555– 85.
4 Barnsley L. Percutaneous radiofrequency neurotomy for chronic neck pain: Outcomes in a series of consecutive patients. Pain Med 2005; 6( 4): 282– 6 .

5 Bogduk N. A narrative review of intra-articular corticosteroid injections for low back pain. Pain Med 2005; 6( 4): 287– 96 .
6 Correll GE, Maleki J, Gracely EJ, Muir JJ, Harbut RE. Subanesthetic ketamine infusion therapy: A restrospective analysis of a novel therapeutic approach to complex regional pain syndrome. Pain Med 2004; 5( 3): 263– 75.

02 December 2014

More links: Racial and ethnic disparities in pain



Blackwell Synergy - Pain Medicine, Volume 6 Issue 1 Page 5-10, January 2005 (Article Abstract)
Pain Medicine
Volume 6 Issue 1 Page 5-10, January 2005

Louis W. Sullivan MD, Barry A. Eagel MD (2005) Leveling the Playing Field: Recognizing and Rectifying Disparities in Management of Pain
Pain Medicine 6 (1) , 5–10 doi:10.1111/j.1526-4637.2005.05016.x
Salimah H.Meghani, MSN, CRNP, Doctoral Candidate Nursing/MBE. (2005) Leveling the Playing Field: Does Pain Disparity Literature Suffer from a Reporting Bias?. Pain Medicine 6:3, 269–270The

Ethical Implications of Racial Disparities in Pain: Are Some of Us More Equal?
Allen Lebovits, PhD
Pain Medicine, Volume 6, Issue 1, Page 3-4, Jan 2005, doi: 10.1111/j.1526-4637.2005.05013.x

21 November 2014

Some links: Racial and ethnic disparities in pain

Vence L. Bonham
The Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics, Volume 28, Issue s4, Page 52-68, Mar 2001, doi: 10.1111/j.1748-720X.2001.tb00039.x

Carmen Green, MD, Knox H. Todd, MD, Allen Lebovits, PhD, and Michael Francis, MD
Pain Medicine, Volume 7, Issue 6, Page 530-533, Nov 2006, doi: 10.1111/j.1526-4637.2006.00244.x

Robert R. Edwards, PhD, Mario Moric, PhD, Brenda Husfeldt, PhD, Asokumar Buvanendran, MD, and Olga Ivankovich, MD
Pain Medicine, Volume 6, Issue 1, Page 88-98, Jan 2005, doi: 10.1111/j.1526-4637.2005.05007.x


Blackwell Synergy - Pain Medicine, Volume 4 Issue 3 Page 277-294, September 2003 (Article Abstract)
Pain Medicine

Volume 4 Issue 3 Page 277-294, September 2003

To cite this article: Carmen R. Green MD, Karen O. Anderson PhD, Tamara A. Baker PhD, Lisa C. Campbell PhD, Sheila Decker PhD, Roger B. Fillingim PhD, Donna A. Kaloukalani MD, MPH, Kathyrn E. Lasch PhD, Cynthia Myers PhD, Raymond C. Tait PhD, Knox H. Todd MD, MPH, April H. Vallerand PhD, RN (2003) The Unequal Burden of Pain: Confronting Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Pain
Pain Medicine 4 (3) , 277–294 doi:10.1046/j.1526-4637.2003.03034.x
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Abstract
The Unequal Burden of Pain: Confronting Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Pain

* Carmen R. Green, MDaaUniversity of Michigan Medical School, Ann Arbor, Michigan; ,
* Karen O. Anderson, PhDbbM.D. Anderson Cancer Center Pain Research Group, Houston, Texas; ,
* Tamara A. Baker, PhDccUniversity of Michigan, School of Public Health, Ann Arbor, Michigan; ,
* Lisa C. Campbell, PhDddDuke University Medical Center, Durham, North Carolina; ,
* Sheila Decker, PhDeeUniversity of Iowa School of Nursing, Iowa City, Iowa; ,
* Roger B. Fillingim, PhDffUniversity of Florida College of Dentistry, Gainesville, Florida; ,
* Donna A. Kaloukalani, MD, MPHggWashington University, St. Louis, Missouri; ,
* Kathyrn E. Lasch, PhDhhNew England Medical Center, Boston, Massachusetts; ,
* Cynthia Myers, PhDiiUniversity of California Los Angeles, Los Angeles, California; ,
* Raymond C. Tait, PhDjjSt. Louis University School of Medicine, St. Louis, Missouri; ,
* Knox H. Todd, MD, MPHkkEmory University, Rollins School of Public Health, Atlanta, Georgia; and , and
* April H. Vallerand, PhD, RNllWayne State University College of Nursing, Detroit, Michigan

*
aUniversity of Michigan Medical School, Ann Arbor, Michigan; bM.D. Anderson Cancer Center Pain Research Group, Houston, Texas; cUniversity of Michigan, School of Public Health, Ann Arbor, Michigan; dDuke University Medical Center, Durham, North Carolina; eUniversity of Iowa School of Nursing, Iowa City, Iowa; fUniversity of Florida College of Dentistry, Gainesville, Florida; gWashington University, St. Louis, Missouri; hNew England Medical Center, Boston, Massachusetts; iUniversity of California Los Angeles, Los Angeles, California; jSt. Louis University School of Medicine, St. Louis, Missouri; kEmory University, Rollins School of Public Health, Atlanta, Georgia; and lWayne State University College of Nursing, Detroit, Michigan

Carmen R. Green, MD, University of Michigan Medical School, Department of Anesthesiology, 1500 East Medical Center Drive, 1H247 UH—Box 0048, Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109. Tel: (734) 936-4240; Fax: (734) 936-9091; E-mail: carmeng@umich.edu.
ABSTRACT


context.

Pain has significant socioeconomic, health, and quality-of-life implications. Racial- and ethnic-based differences in the pain care experience have been described. Racial and ethnic minorities tend to be undertreated for pain when compared with non-Hispanic Whites.

objectives.

To provide health care providers, researchers, health care policy analysts, government officials, patients, and the general public with pertinent evidence regarding differences in pain perception, assessment, and treatment for racial and ethnic minorities. Evidence is provided for racial- and ethnic-based differences in pain care across different types of pain (i.e., experimental pain, acute postoperative pain, cancer pain, chronic non-malignant pain) and settings (i.e., emergency department). Pertinent literature on patient, health care provider, and health care system factors that contribute to racial and ethnic disparities in pain treatment are provided.

evidence.

A selective literature review was performed by experts in pain. The experts developed abstracts with relevant citations on racial and ethnic disparities within their specific areas of expertise. Scientific evidence was given precedence over anecdotal experience. The abstracts were compiled for this manuscript. The draft manuscript was made available to the experts for comment and review prior to submission for publication.

conclusions.

Consistent with the Institute of Medicine's report on health care disparities, racial and ethnic disparities in pain perception, assessment, and treatment were found in all settings (i.e., postoperative, emergency room) and across all types of pain (i.e., acute, cancer, chronic nonmalignant, and experimental). The literature suggests that the sources of pain disparities among racial and ethnic minorities are complex, involving patient (e.g., patient/health care provider communication, attitudes), health care provider (e.g., decision making), and health care system (e.g., access to pain medication) factors. There is a need for improved training for health care providers and educational interventions for patients. A comprehensive pain research agenda is necessary to address pain disparities among racial and ethnic minorities.
This article is cited by:

* M. Carrington Reid, MD, PhD, Maria Papaleontiou, MD, Anthony Ong, PhD, Risa Breckman, MSW, Elaine Wethington, PhD, and Karl Pillemer, PhD. Self-Management Strategies to Reduce Pain and Improve Function among Older Adults in Community Settings: A Review of the Evidence. Pain Medicine doi: 10.1111/j.1526-4637.2008.00428.x
Abstract Abstract and References Full Text Article Full Article PDF
* Margarette Bryan, MD, Nila De La Rosa, MSN, RN, APNC, OCN, Ann Marie Hill, MBA, William J. Amadio, PhD, and Robert Wieder, MD, PhD. Influence of Prescription Benefits on Reported Pain in Cancer Patients. Pain Medicine doi: 10.1111/j.1526-4637.2008.00427.x
Abstract Abstract and References Full Text Article Full Article PDF
* Salimah H. Meghani, PhD, MBE, CRNP, and Rollin M. Gallagher, MD, MPH. Disparity vs Inequity: Toward Reconceptualization of Pain Treatment Disparities. Pain Medicine doi: 10.1111/j.1526-4637.2007.00344.x
Abstract Abstract and References Full Text Article Full Article PDF
* Mary Jo Larson, Michael Paasche-Orlow, Debbie M. Cheng, Christine Lloyd-Travaglini, Richard Saitz & Jeffrey H. Samet. (2007) Persistent pain is associated with substance use after detoxification: a prospective cohort analysis. Addiction 102:5, 752–760
Abstract Abstract and References Full Text Article Full Article PDF
* Lisa Maria E. Frantsve, PhD, and Robert D. Kerns, PhD. (2007) Patient–Provider Interactions in the Management of Chronic Pain: Current Findings within the Context of Shared Medical Decision Making. Pain Medicine 8:1, 25–35
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* Donna Kalauokalani, MD, MPH, Peter Franks, MD, Jennifer Wright Oliver, MD, Frederick J. Meyers, MD, and Richard L. Kravitz, MD, MSPH. (2007) Can Patient Coaching Reduce Racial/Ethnic Disparities in Cancer Pain Control? Secondary Analysis of a Randomized Controlled Trial. Pain Medicine 8:1, 17–24
Abstract Abstract and References Full Text Article Full Article PDF
* Raymond C. Tait, PhD. (2007) The Social Context of Pain Management. Pain Medicine 8:1, 1–2
Summary Abstract and References Full Text Article Full Article PDF
* Jacqueline S. Martin, R. Bingisser, R. Spirig. (2007) Schmerztherapie: Patientenpräferenzen in der Notaufnahme. Intensivmedizin und Notfallmedizin 44:6, 372
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* Michael J. Platow, Nicholas J. Voudouris, Melissa coulson, Nicola Gilford, Rachel Jamieson, Liz Najdovski, Nicole Papaleo, Chelsea Pollard, Leanne Terry. (2007) In-group reassurance in a pain setting produces lower levels of physiological arousal: direct support for a self-categorization analysis of social influence. European Journal of Social Psychology 37:4, 649
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* Annette L. Stanton, Tracey A. Revenson, Howard Tennen. (2007) Health Psychology: Psychological Adjustment to Chronic Disease. Annual Review of Psychology 58:1, 565
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* Carmen R. Green. (2007) Racial and Ethnic Disparities in the Quality of Pain Care. Anesthesiology 106:1, 6
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* A. Berquin. (2007) La médecine fondée sur les preuves : un outil de contrôle des soins de santé ? Application au traitement de la douleur. Douleur et Analgésie 20:2, 64
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* Frank Brennan, Daniel B. Carr, Michael Cousins. (2007) Pain Management: A Fundamental Human Right. Anesthesia & Analgesia 105:1, 205
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* Laurent G. Glance, Richard . Wissler, Christopher Glantz, Turner M. Osler, Dana B. Mukamel, Andrew W. Dick. (2007) Racial Differences in the Use of Epidural Analgesia for Labor. Anesthesiology 106:1, 19
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* Cathy L. Campbell. (2007) Respect for Persons. Journal of Hospice & Palliative Nursing 9:2, 74
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* Carmen Green, MD, Knox H. Todd, MD, Allen Lebovits, PhD, and Michael Francis, MD. (2006) Disparities in Pain: Ethical Issues. Pain Medicine 7:6, 530–533
Summary Abstract and References Full Text Article Full Article PDF
* Carole C. Upshur, EdD, Roger S. Luckmann, MD, MPH, Judith A. Savageau, MPH. (2006) Primary Care Provider Concerns about Management of Chronic Pain in Community Clinic Populations. Journal of General Internal Medicine 21:6, 652–655
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* Robert A. Nicholson, PhD; Megan Rooney, MEd; Kelly Vo, MD; Erinn O'Laughlin, MPH; Melanie Gordon, MD. (2006) Migraine Care Among Different Ethnicities: Do Disparities Exist?. Headache: The Journal of Head and Face Pain 46:5, 754–765
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* Diana J. Burgess, PhD, Michelle van Ryn, PhD, MPH, Megan Crowley-Matoka, PhD, and Jennifer Malat, PhD. (2006) Understanding the Provider Contribution to Race/Ethnicity Disparities in Pain Treatment: Insights from Dual Process Models of Stereotyping. Pain Medicine 7:2, 119–134
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* John T. Chibnall, Raymond C. Tait, Elena M. Andresen, Nortin M. Hadler. (2006) Clinical and Social Predictors of Application for Social Security Disability Insurance by Workers??? Compensation Claimants With Low Back Pain. Journal of Occupational and Environmental Medicine 48:7, 733
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* James Elander, Malgorzata Marczewska, Roger Amos, Aldine Thomas, Sekayi Tangayi. (2006) Factors Affecting Hospital Staff Judgments About Sickle Cell Disease Pain. Journal of Behavioral Medicine 29:2, 203
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* Alexie Cintron, R. Sean Morrison. (2006) Pain and Ethnicity in the United States: A Systematic Review. Journal of Palliative Medicine 9:6, 1454
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* John T. Chibnall, Raymond C. Tait, Elena M. Andresen, Nortin M. Hadler. (2006) Race Differences in Diagnosis and Surgery for Occupational Low Back Injuries. Spine 31:11, 1272
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* K Sarah Hoehn. (2006) Family satisfaction from clinician statements or patient-provider concordance?*. Critical Care Medicine 34:6, 1836
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* Joanne Lusher, James Elander, David Bevan, Paul Telfer, Bernice Burton. (2006) Analgesic Addiction and Pseudoaddiction in Painful Chronic Illness. The Clinical Journal of Pain 22:3, 316
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* Sally G. Haskell, Alicia Heapy, M. Carrington Reid, Rebecca K. Papas, Robert D. Kerns. (2006) The Prevalence and Age-Related Characteristics of Pain in a Sample of Women Veterans Receiving Primary Care. Journal of Women s Health 15:7, 862
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* Sandra H. Johnson. (2005) The Social, Professional, and Legal Framework for the Problem of Pain Management in Emergency Medicine. The Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 33:4, 741–760
Summary Abstract and References Full Article PDF
* Michael W. Rabow, MD, and Suzanne L. Dibble, DNSc, RN. (2005) Ethnic Differences in Pain Among Outpatients with Terminal and End-Stage Chronic Illness. Pain Medicine 6:3, 235–241
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* Mark A. Lumley, PhD, Alison M. Radcliffe, BA, Debra J. Macklem, MA, Angelia Mosley-Williams, MD, James C. C. Leisen, MD, Jennifer L. Huffman, PhD, Pamela J. D’Souza, PhD, Mazy E. Gillis, PhD, Tina M. Meyer, PhD, Christina A. Kraft, MA, and Lisa J. Rapport, PhD. (2005) Alexithymia and Pain in Three Chronic Pain Samples: Comparing Caucasians and African Americans. Pain Medicine 6:3, 251–261
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* April Hazard Vallerand, PhD, RN, Susan Hasenau, MSN, RN, Thomas Templin, PhD, and Deborah Collins-Bohler, MSN, RN. (2005) Disparities Between Black and White Patients with Cancer Pain: The Effect of Perception of Control over Pain. Pain Medicine 6:3, 242–250
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* Barry A. Eagel, MD, and Louis W. Sullivan, MD. (2005) Response to Letter to the Editor Re: Leveling the Playing Field. Pain Medicine 6:3, 271–272
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* Gabriel Tan, PhD, Mark P. Jensen, PhD, John Thornby, PhD, and Karen O. Anderson, PhD. (2005) Ethnicity, Control Appraisal, Coping, and Adjustment to Chronic Pain Among Black and White Americans. Pain Medicine 6:1, 18–28
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* Robert R. Edwards, PhD, Mario Moric, PhD, Brenda Husfeldt, PhD, Asokumar Buvanendran, MD, and Olga Ivankovich, MD. (2005) Ethnic Similarities and Differences in the Chronic Pain Experience: A Comparison of African American, Hispanic, and White Patients. Pain Medicine 6:1, 88–98
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* Linda S. Ruehlman, PhD, Paul Karoly, PhD, and Craig Newton, PhD. (2005) Comparing the Experiential and Psychosocial Dimensions of Chronic Pain in African Americans and Caucasians: Findings from a National Community Sample. Pain Medicine 6:1, 49–60
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* Barbara A. Hastie, PhD, Joseph L. Riley, PhD, and Roger B. Fillingim, PhD. (2005) Ethnic Differences and Responses to Pain in Healthy Young Adults. Pain Medicine 6:1, 61–71
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* Fadia T. Shaya, PhD, MPH, and Steven Blume, MS. (2005) Prescriptions for Cyclooxygenase-2 Inhibitors and Other Nonsteroidal Anti-inflammatory Agents in a Medicaid Managed Care Population: African Americans Versus Caucasians. Pain Medicine 6:1, 11–17
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* Carol S. Weisse, PhD, Kemoy K. Foster, B.S., and Elizabeth A. Fisher, B.S.. (2005) The Influence of Experimenter Gender and Race on Pain Reporting: Does Racial or Gender Concordance Matter?. Pain Medicine 6:1, 80–87
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* Carmen R. Green, MD, Raymond C. Tait, P hD and Rollin M. Gallagher, MD, MPH. (2005) The Unequal Burden of Pain: Disparities and Differences. Pain Medicine 6:1, 1–2
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* Roger B. Fillingim. (2005) Individual differences in pain responses. Current Rheumatology Reports 7:5, 342
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* Roxanne Garbez, Kathleen Puntillo. (2005) Acute Musculoskeletal Pain in the Emergency Department. AACN Clinical Issues Advanced Practice in Acute and Critical Care 16:3, 310???319
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* Raymond C. Tait, John T. Chibnall. (2005) Racial and Ethnic Disparities in the Evaluation and Treatment of Pain: Psychological Perspectives.. Professional Psychology Research and Practice 36:6, 595
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* Gary L. Stein, Patricia A. Sherman. (2005) Promoting Effective Social Work Policy in End-of-Life and Palliative Care. Journal of Palliative Medicine 8:6, 1271
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* Scott M. Fishman, MD, Rollin M. Gallagher, MD, MPH, Daniel B. Carr, MD and Louis W. Sullivan, MD. (2004) The Case for Pain Medicine. Pain Medicine 5:3, 281–286
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* ROLLIN M. GALLAGHER, MD, MPH,. (2003) Measuring Emotions in Pain: Challenges and Advances. Pain Medicine 4:3, 211–212
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* Carmen R. Green, MD, Karen O. Anderson, PhD, Tamara A. Baker, PhD, Lisa C. Campbell, PhD, Sheila Decker, PhD, Roger B. Fillingim, PhD, Donna A. Kaloukalani, MD, MPH, Kathyrn E. Lasch, PhD, Cynthia Myers, PhD, Raymond C. Tait, PhD, Knox H. Todd, MD, MPH, and April H. Vallerand, PhD, RN. (2003) The Unequal Burden of Pain: Confronting Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Pain. Pain Medicine 4:3, 277–294
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30 June 2014

Please help with a study on pain patient narratives

If you have a few minutes, I would greatly appreciate your help with a research project I am involved in. We need people to fill out an online survey.

This survey is part of a project studying how pain patient narratives are perceived by others and how these stories impact their treatment. The University of Southern California Health Sciences Campus Institutional Review Board has determined that this research is exempt.

We will first ask you a little bit about yourself. Then you will read several vignettes (short stories) from people describing their experiences with chronic pain. For each of these vignettes we will ask you questions about the impression you get of the person.

If you would like to participate, please go to http://painnarratives.adamswenson.net/index.php

Please share this link with anyone who might be willing to participate.

31 May 2014

Pain and patience



Eighteenth Century Collections Online -- Search Display
Dodsley, Robert. Pain and patience. A poem. By R. Dodsley. London, 1742 [1743]. 12pp. Literature and Language

Source Citation: Dodsley, Robert. Pain and patience. A poem. By R. Dodsley. London, 1742 [1743]. Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale Group.
http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO

Gale Document Number: CW3310212522

30 March 2014

Pain Patient's Bill of Rights (CA)

SB 402 Health: opiate drugs.

BILL NUMBER: SB 402 CHAPTERED 10/10/97 BILL TEXT


CHAPTER 839

FILED WITH SECRETARY OF STATE OCTOBER 10, 1997
APPROVED BY GOVERNOR OCTOBER 9, 1997
PASSED THE SENATE SEPTEMBER 5, 1997
PASSED THE ASSEMBLY SEPTEMBER 2, 1997
AMENDED IN ASSEMBLY AUGUST 28, 1997
AMENDED IN ASSEMBLY JULY 22, 1997
AMENDED IN ASSEMBLY JUNE 30, 1997
AMENDED IN SENATE APRIL 24, 1997
AMENDED IN SENATE APRIL 2, 1997

INTRODUCED BY Senator Greene (Coauthors: Assembly Members Bordonaro and Miller)

FEBRUARY 18, 1997

An act to add Part 4.5 (commencing with Section 124960) to Division 106 of the Health and Safety Code, relating to health.

LEGISLATIVE COUNSEL'S DIGEST

SB 402, Greene. Health: opiate drugs. Existing law, the Intractable Pain Treatment Act, authorizes a physician and surgeon to prescribe or administer controlled substances to a person in the course of treating that person for a diagnosed condition called intractable pain, and prohibits the Medical Board of California from disciplining a physician and surgeon for this action. This bill would establish the Pain Patient's Bill of Rights and would state legislative findings and declarations regarding the value of opiate drugs to persons suffering from severe chronic intractable pain. It would, among other things, authorize a physician to refuse to prescribe opiate medication for a patient who requests the treatment for severe chronic intractable pain, require the physician to inform the patient that there are physicians who specialize in the treatment of severe chronic intractable pain with methods that include the use of opiates, and authorize a physician who prescribes opiates to prescribe a dosage deemed medically necessary.

SECTION 1. Part 4.5 (commencing with Section 124960) is added to Division 106 of the Health and Safety Code, to read:

PART 4.5. PAIN PATIENT'S BILL OF RIGHTS

124960. The Legislature finds and declares all of the following:

(a) The state has a right and duty to control the illegal use of opiate drugs.

(b) Inadequate treatment of acute and chronic pain originating from cancer or noncancerous conditions is a significant health problem.

(c) For some patients, pain management is the single most important treatment a physician can provide.

(d) A patient suffering from severe chronic intractable pain should have access to proper treatment of his or her pain.

(e) Due to the complexity of their problems, many patients suffering from severe chronic intractable pain may require referral to a physician with expertise in the treatment of severe chronic intractable pain. In some cases, severe chronic intractable pain is best treated by a team of clinicians in order to address the associated physical, psychological, social, and vocational issues.

(f) In the hands of knowledgeable, ethical, and experienced pain management practitioners, opiates administered for severe acute and severe chronic intractable pain can be safe.

(g) Opiates can be an accepted treatment for patients in severe chronic intractable pain who have not obtained relief from any other means of treatment.

(h) A patient suffering from severe chronic intractable pain has the option to request or reject the use of any or all modalities to relieve his or her severe chronic intractable pain.

(i) A physician treating a patient who suffers from severe chronic intractable pain may prescribe a dosage deemed medically necessary to relieve severe chronic intractable pain as long as the prescribing is in conformance with the provisions of the California Intractable Pain Treatment Act, Section 2241.5 of the Business and Professions Code.

(j) A patient who suffers from severe chronic intractable pain has the option to choose opiate medication for the treatment of the severe chronic intractable pain as long as the prescribing is in conformance with the provisions of the California Intractable Pain Treatment Act, Section 2241.5 of the Business and Professions Code.

(k) The patient's physician may refuse to prescribe opiate medication for a patient who requests the treatment for severe chronic intractable pain. However, that physician shall inform the patient that there are physicians who specialize in the treatment of severe chronic intractable pain with methods that include the use of opiates. 124961. Nothing in this section shall be construed to alter any of the provisions set forth in the California Intractable Pain Treatment Act, Section 2241.5 of the Business and Professions Code.

This section shall be known as the Pain Patient's Bill of Rights.

(a) A patient suffering from severe chronic intractable pain has the option to request or reject the use of any or all modalities in order to relieve his or her severe chronic intractable pain.

(b) A patient who suffers from severe chronic intractable pain has the option to choose opiate medications to relieve severe chronic intractable pain without first having to submit to an invasive medical procedure, which is defined as surgery, destruction of a nerve or other body tissue by manipulation, or the implantation of a drug delivery system or device, as long as the prescribing physician acts in conformance with the provisions of the California Intractable Pain Treatment Act, Section 2241.5 of the Business and Professions Code.

(c) The patient's physician may refuse to prescribe opiate medication for the patient who requests a treatment for severe chronic intractable pain. However, that physician shall inform the patient that there are physicians who specialize in the treatment of severe chronic intractable pain with methods that include the use of opiates.

(d) A physician who uses opiate therapy to relieve severe chronic intractable pain may prescribe a dosage deemed medically necessary to relieve severe chronic intractable pain, as long as that prescribing is in conformance with the California Intractable Pain Treatment Act, Section 2241.5 of the Business and Professions Code.

(e) A patient may voluntarily request that his or her physician provide an identifying notice of the prescription for purposes of emergency treatment or law enforcement identification.

(f) Nothing in this section shall do either of the following:

(1) Limit any reporting or disciplinary provisions applicable to licensed physicians and surgeons who violate prescribing practices or other provisions set forth in the Medical Practice Act, Chapter 5 (commencing with Section 2000) of Division 2 of the Business and Professions Code, or the regulations adopted thereunder.

(2) Limit the applicability of any federal statute or federal regulation or any of the other statutes or regulations of this state that regulate dangerous drugs or controlled substances.

Link

03 March 2014

More Augustine on privation

From Against the Epistle of Manichaeus
For who can doubt that the whole of that which is called evil is nothing else than
corruption? Different evils may, indeed, be called by different names; but that which
is the evil of all things in which any evil is perceptible is corruption. So the corruption
of the educated mind is ignorance: the corruption of the prudent mind is imprudence;
the corruption of the just mind, injustice; the corruption of the brave mind, cowardice;
the corruption of a calm, peaceful mind, cupidity, fear, sorrow, pride. Again, in a
living body the corruption of health is pain and disease; the corruption of strength is
exhaustion; the corruption of rest is toil. Again, in any corporeal thing, the corruption
of beauty is ugliness; the corruption of straightness is crookedness; the corruption of
order is confusion; the corruption of entireness is disseverance, or fracture, or
diminution. . . . Enough has been said to show that corruption does harm only by
displacing the natural condition; and so, corruption is not nature, but against nature.
And if corruption is the only evil to be found anywhere, and if corruption is not
nature, no nature is evil.

On the Nature of Good
“Nature therefore which has been corrupted, is called evil, for assuredly when incorrupt it is good; but even when corrupt, so far as it is nature it is good, so far as it is corrupted it is evil.” 4

21 October 2013

Symptom Clusters: Pain, Depression, and Fatigue

JNCI Monographs 2004 2004(32):119-123; doi:10.1093/jncimonographs/lgh028
Abstract


There is not yet sufficient evidence-based experience for the coordinated treatment of three symptoms that cluster in cancer: pain, depression, and fatigue. Each symptom taken individually has accepted treatment modalities. With some overlap between these symptoms, established treatments for one symptom may "cross-over" and reduce the burden of one, or both of the others. To optimize patient care in advance of the evidence basis, attention to these symptoms is value-added for patients and their families. Standardized screening using the Distress Thermometer for physical, practical, emotional, or spiritual symptoms helps effectively identify patients whose symptoms warrant attention. Cancer Supportive Services, an innovative program at the Continuum Cancer Centers of New York at Beth Israel and St. Luke’s-Roosevelt, provides comprehensive intervention throughout the trajectory of care for pain, depression, and fatigue. These services are provided in tandem with efforts to cure or contain the cancer. Cancer Supportive Services sets up a natural entry point to survivors’ follow-up or end-of-life care. Such an effort reinforces a basic principle that active symptom management is integral to each patient encounter in the cancer treatment setting.

Introduction


There are many dimensions to patients’ experience with cancer. Certain experiences, or symptoms, are shared by most patients with cancer. As discussed elsewhere, three of those symptoms, pain, fatigue, and depression often track together in the same individual. Taking the type of cancer, stage, and treatment into account, subjective evaluation of these predictable commonalities is colored by the extent to which his or her cancer can be treated or cured, individual psychology, and effective social or spiritual support.


Until the recent past, these symptoms were silently tolerated as a consequence of cancer and its treatment. If identified at all, they were considered as part of the burden one pays when living with life-threatening illness and perhaps as surrogates for the extent of disease or treatment response. Modern biotechnology, and the extended survival of patients with some cancers, has brought focus to these symptoms and expanded the opportunity for intervention. The strengthened sense of consumerism coupled with faster multimedia communications’ information explosion have sparked demand for the treatment of pain, fatigue, and depression before rigorous studies of the triad have been completed.


The question at hand—What is the optimal treatment of symptom clusters?—challenges the underpinnings of medical decision making developed throughout the twentieth century as well as the notion of evidence-based medicine popularized at the century’s close. Accurate diagnoses, made with uniform and accepted criteria in mind, precede the formation of a treatment plan. Treatment, when instituted, is based on evidence from controlled trials as the gold standard taking precedence over clinician familiarity or past experience.


Separating the constitutional signs and symptoms of cancer itself from those of depression has become more feasible through collective experience and research, though the process is still somewhat inexact. Challenging the popular notion that all cancer patients suffer depression has led to a dilemma: defining degrees of depression in the wide variety of cancer illnesses at its various stages and with its confounding treatments, and then designing proper treatment for these mood changes. Tradition asks that a diagnosis be established before a treatment plan is set. Estimating the contribution of mood to the experience of cancer underscores the very basic property of mood as a background emotion to the life experiences that occur around it.


With a parallel interest in diagnosing and treating pain and fatigue, the ever-present contribution of mood complicates the understanding of these symptoms in cancer. Not every patient experiences pain or fatigue to the same degree, and culture and personal values overlay these symptoms as well. Looking at each symptom separately, it should be clear that their presentation and measurement have substantial overlap, so it is reasonable to assume that respective treatments would overlap as well.


Critical thinking forces us to first look at accepted treatment modalities for each symptom in isolation, drawing on what is known about the symptom in general: depression in the physically healthy, fatigue in those without depression or cancer, and pain from a variety of causes. The subsequent challenge is to adapt these "pure" circumstances across the spectrum of cancer and its treatments, adjusting for age and comorbidities.


With an evidence-based focus, the next step to approaching the treatment of symptom clusters is to survey published data examining cluster treatments across the lifespan and among various cancers. Articles describing findings of these clusters do not exist. An innovative methodological adaptation is to take the usual and generally acceptable treatment modalities used for a single cancer symptom and examine its efficacy in the remaining two symptoms. The notion of "clustering" of pain, fatigue, and depression is born out of the impression that a treatment modality commonly used in one symptom can reduce the burden of the others.

© 2004 by Oxford University Press

07 October 2013

Pain care for the world's poor

The New York Times
September 10, 2007Drugs Banned, Many of World’s Poor Suffer in Pain
By DONALD G. McNEIL Jr.

WATERLOO, Sierra Leone — Although the rainy season was coming on fast, Zainabu Sesay was in no shape to help her husband. Ditches had to be dug to protect their cassava and peanuts, and their mud hut’s palm roof was sliding off.

But Mrs. Sesay was sick. She had breast cancer in a form that Western doctors rarely see anymore — the tumor had burst through her skin, looking like a putrid head of cauliflower weeping small amounts of blood at its edges.

“It bone! It booonnnne lie de fi-yuh!” she said of the pain — it burns like fire — in Krio, the blended language spoken in this country where British colonizers resettled freed slaves.

No one had directly told her yet, but there was no hope — the cancer was also in her lymph glands and ribs.

Like millions of others in the world’s poorest countries, she is destined to die in pain. She cannot get the drug she needs — one that is cheap, effective, perfectly legal for medical uses under treaties signed by virtually every country, made in large quantities, and has been around since Hippocrates praised its source, the opium poppy. She cannot get morphine.

That is not merely because of her poverty, or that of Sierra Leone. Narcotics incite fear: doctors fear addicting patients, and law enforcement officials fear drug crime. Often, the government elite who can afford medicine for themselves are indifferent to the sufferings of the poor.

The World Health Organization estimates that 4.8 million people a year with moderate to severe cancer pain receive no appropriate treatment. Nor do another 1.4 million with late-stage AIDS. For other causes of lingering pain — burns, car accidents, gunshots, diabetic nerve damage, sickle-cell disease and so on — it issues no estimates but believes that millions go untreated.

Figures gathered by the International Narcotics Control Board, a United Nations agency, make it clear: citizens of rich nations suffer less. Six countries — the United States, Canada, France, Germany, Britain and Australia — consume 79 percent of the world’s morphine, according to a 2005 estimate. The poor and middle-income countries where 80 percent of the world’s people live consumed only about 6 percent.

Some countries imported virtually none. “Even if the president gets cancer pain, he will get no analgesia,” said Willem Scholten, a World Health Organization official who studies the issue.

In 2004, consumption of morphine per person in the United States was about 17,000 times that in Sierra Leone.

At pain conferences, doctors from Africa describe patients whose pain is so bad that they have chosen other remedies: hanging themselves or throwing themselves in front of trucks.

Westerners tend to assume that most people in tropical countries die of malaria, AIDS, worm diseases and unpronounceable ills. But as vaccines, antibiotics and AIDS drugs become more common, more and more are surviving past measles, infections, birth complications and other sources of a quick death. They grow old enough to die slowly of cancer.

About half the six million cancer deaths in the world last year were in poor countries, and most diagnoses were made late, when death was inevitable. But first, there was agony. About 80 percent of all cancer victims suffer severe pain, the W.H.O. estimates, as do half of those dying of AIDS.

Morphine’s raw ingredient — opium — is not in short supply. Poppies are grown for heroin, of course, in Afghanistan and elsewhere. But vast fields for morphine and codeine are also grown in India, Turkey, France, Australia and other countries.

Nor is it expensive, even by the standards of developing nations. One hospice in Uganda, for example, mixes its own liquid morphine so cheaply that a three-week supply costs less than a loaf of bread.

Nonetheless, it is still routinely denied in many poor countries.

“It’s the intense fear of addiction, which is often misunderstood,” said David E. Joranson, director of the Pain Policy Study Group at the University of Wisconsin’s medical school, who has worked to change drugs laws around the world. “Pain relief hasn’t been given as much attention as the war on drugs has.”

Doctors in developing countries, he explained, often have beliefs about narcotics that prevailed in Western medical schools decades ago — that they are inevitably addictive, carry high risks of killing patients and must be used sparingly, even if patients suffer.

Pain experts argue that it is cruel to deny them to the dying and that patients who recover from pain can usually be weaned off. Withdrawal symptoms are inevitable, they say — as they are if a diabetic stops insulin. But the benefits outweigh the risks.

Too Poor for Medicine

In Mrs. Sesay’s case, Alfred Lewis, a nurse from Shepherd’s Hospice, is doing what he can to ease her last days.

When he first saw her, her tumor was wrapped with clay and leaves prescribed by a local healer. The smell of her rotting skin made her feel ashamed.

She had seen a doctor at one of many low-cost “Indian clinics” who pulled at the breast with forceps so hard that she screamed, misdiagnosed her tumor as an infected boil, and gave her an injection in her buttocks that abscessed, adding to her misery.

Nothing can be done about the tumor, Mr. Lewis explained quietly. “All the bleeders are open,” he said. “Her risk now is hemorrhage. Only a knife-crazy surgeon would attend to her.”

Earlier diagnosis would probably not have changed her fate. Sierra Leone has no CAT scanners, and only one private hospital offers chemotherapy drug treatment. The Sesays are sharecroppers; they have no money.

So Mr. Lewis was making a daily 10-mile trip from Freetown, the capital, to change her dressing, sprinkle on antibiotics, and talk to her. He asked a neighbor to plait her hair for her, so she would look pretty. Mrs. Sesay said she could not be bothered.

“It’s necessary for to cope,” he said. “For to strive for be happy.”

“I ‘fraid for my life,” she said.

“Are you ‘fraid for die?”

“No, I not ‘fraid. I ready.”

“So what is your relationship to God? You good with God?”

“I pray me one.”

He asked her, half-jokingly, if she still had sex with her husband.

No, she said, since the illness, he stayed in his room and she stayed in hers. She, too, was joking. In their hut, there is only the one room.

Life has become hard, she added, and her husband is getting too old for farm labor. She, too, is getting old, she said — she is somewhere in her 40s.

“We are really being punish.”

For her pain, Mr. Lewis gave her generic Tylenol and tramadol, a relative of codeine that is only 10 percent as potent as morphine. It was all he could offer. “I would consider putting her on morphine now, if we had morphine,” Mr. Lewis said.

In New York, she would have already started on it, or an equivalent like oxycodone or fentanyl.

Even if his hospice could get it, Mr. Lewis could not give it to her.

Under Sierra Leone law, morphine may be handled only by a pharmacist or doctor, explained Gabriel Madiye, the hospice’s founder. But in all Sierra Leone there are only about 100 doctors — one for every 54,000 people, compared with one for every 350 in the United States.

In only a few places — in Uganda, for example — does the law allow trained nurses to prescribe morphine.

And pharmacists will not stock it.

“It’s opioid phobia,” Mr. Madiye said. “We are coming out of a war where a lot of human rights violations were caused by drug abuse.”

During the war, the rebel assault on the capital was called Operation No Living Thing. Child soldiers were hardened with mysterious drugs with names like gunpowder and brown-brown, along with glue and alcohol.

Esther Walker, a British nurse who sometimes works with Mr. Lewis, said she once gave a lecture on palliative care at the national medical school.

There were 28 students, and she asked them, “Who has seen someone die peacefully in Sierra Leone?”

“Not one had,” she said.

The Burden on the Young

In the poorest countries like this one, even babies suffer.

Momoh Sesay, 2, (no relation to Zainabu) is a pretty lucky little guy — for someone who tumbled into a cooking pot of boiling water.

He lost much of the skin on his thighs, and his belly is speckled with burns as if he had been sloshed with pink paint.

But he was fortunate enough to live close to Ola During Children’s Hospital, the leading pediatric institution.

No doctor was in. There was not even any electricity. At night, nurses thread IV lines into babies’ tiny limbs by candlelight. “And our eyes are not magnets,” one of them, Josephine Maajenneh Sillah, complained.

But they knew Momoh would die of shock and pumped in intravenous fluids and antibiotics.

If he had been born in New York, Momoh would have had skin grafts. Here, that is unthinkable.

Momoh was given saline washes, and his dead skin was scrubbed off with debridement, a painful procedure. In New York, he would have had morphine.

So probably would Abdulaziz Sankoh, 7, in another bed, who has sickle cell disease. He moans at night when twisted blood cells clump together and jam the arteries in his spindly legs, slowly killing his bone marrow.

As would Musa Shariff, an 8-month-old boy whose scalp is so swollen by meningitis that his eyelids cannot close. Dr. Muctar Jalloh, the hospital director, said he would not prescribe morphine to babies or toddlers if he had it. Only in the case of third-degree burns, like Momoh’s, did he say: “I would consider it — maybe.”

That flies in the face of Western medicine, which allows careful use even in premature infants.

The strongest painkiller that Momoh, Abdulaziz and Musa can take, if their parents can afford $1.65 per vial, is tramadol. It is impossible to know what morphine would cost if it were here, but it is sold in India at 1.7 cents a pill by the same company that makes tramadol.

The nurses know the prices because they sell the drugs that are available. They have not been paid for three years, they say, so they support themselves in part by filling the prescriptions that the doctors write. Kind as they are — they do extend credit, and are sometimes moved to charity by the children — it is a business.

That is the other reason Dr. Jalloh said he would not order morphine. “I wouldn’t want to leave my staff in charge of morphine,” he said. “The potential for abuse is so high.”

Worries About Abuse

If morphine were to be imported to Sierra Leone, it would be overseen by two agencies: the National Pharmacy Board and the National Drugs Control Agency.

Kande Bangura, the rangy, sharp-eyed former police commander who runs the drug control agency, said the country had a serious drug-abuse problem, especially among former child soldiers.

It also is a smuggling route. He spread out pictures of an autopsy on a British citizen with Nigerian roots who had dropped dead in line at Freetown’s airport. His intestines were found to be packed with condoms full of cocaine, one of which had burst.

Mr. Bangura said he had no objections to morphine, however, “as long as it’s for medical use and is strictly controlled by the country’s chief pharmacist.”

Wiltshire C. N. Johnson, the chief of the enforcement arm of the National Pharmacy Board, explained why painkillers were not imported.

Scarce funds must go to the top five causes of death, he said: diarrhea, pneumonia, tuberculosis, malaria and sexually transmitted diseases. “I’m not saying that palliative care doesn’t top the list, too,” he said. “But it’s officially a very small percentage of the requirement.”

He also had fears like those of Dr. Jalloh. “There’s no way we’re going to put morphine in the hands of a pharmacy technician,” he said. “In the wrong hands, drugs, like guns, are a greater evil than a cure.”

Mr. Madiye, who predicted exactly those answers before the interviews started, vented his frustration later.

He founded Shepherd’s Hospice in 1995, saw it destroyed in the civil war and rebuilt it. But he cannot get the one drug that would let him give people like Zainabu Sesay the dignified deaths that in the West would be their birthright.

“How can they say there is no demand when they don’t allow it?” he asked. “How can they be so sure that it will get out of control when they haven’t even tried it?”

01 July 2013

Preferring more pain to less

In his recent Why feeling more pain may be better for you, Tom Stafford reminds us of the classic Kahneman study which yielded both the Peak End rule and succor to sadistic proctologists.

If that description didn't tempt you to go read the column, here's the super short version: Kahneman found that when asked how bad a painful experience was, people recall (roughly) the average of how bad it was at it's worst --the 'peak'-- and how bad it was at the end --the, uh, 'end'. This, Kahneman claims, raises a real ethical dilemma:

Imagine a physician conducting a colonoscopy; the patient is in intense pain. The examination is complete and the physician could terminate the procedure now, providing instant relief --and a permanently negative evaluation of the whole episode. Should the physician seek the patient's consent to extend the pain for a while in order to form and retain an improved opinion of the procedure….a patient who has had two otherwise identical procedures that differ in the abruptnees of relief will prefer [the one with] more total pain but provides a better end….When the experiencing self and the remembering self disagree, whom are we to believe? (1994, p.21)

Stafford doesn't answer this question. Rather he turns to the Peak-End Rule as a broader phenomena (as other research shows) to make a different point

"But I think the most important lesson of the Peak-End experiments is something else. Rather than saying that the duration isn't important, the rule tells me that it is just as important to control how we mentally package our time. What defines an “experience” is somewhat arbitrary. If a weekend break where you forget everything can be as refreshing as a two-week holiday then maybe a secret to a happy life is to organise your time so it is broken up into as many distinct (and enjoyable) experiences as possible, rather than being just an unbroken succession of events which bleed into one another in memory."

I have to politely demur on what's the most interesting lesson. I've spent the last 10 years ---my entire professional career thus far--- thinking about some of the deep philosophical issues Kahneman's question raises.

Presumably, as Kahneman notes, none of us as patients would agree (while in pain) to the physician prolonging our pain. But we would then look jealously upon our friend whose doctor didn't ask her permission and whose colonoscopy was (as she recalls it) easier than our own. From our deathbed perspectives, my life contained more suffering. It was in that respect worse than hers.

Of course, we're both mistaken about how our total suffering compares. Arguably, in some cases, our lives can be better or worse than we believe them to be. If your loved ones' affection had been a cruel facade behind which they constantly ridiculed you, even though you never found out, your life was still worse than you thought it was. But are mistakes about how much we suffered like this?

Look at what's going on here. We need to decide what makes pain bad. We need to figure out how to aggregate goods (e.g., do we simply add up the good and bad?). We need to understand what constitutes human well-being ---to decide what makes a life as a whole good. We need to deal with organic unities (i.e., whether the arrangement of a good and a bad may yield an overall value that's different from the simple sum --schadenfreude is a common example). We need to deal with the asymmetries of past and future pains. Indeed, this road takes us straight to fundamental questions about the nature of intrinsic value. (That's the road I followed to my dissertation)

John Broome took this issue up in his 1996 'More pain or less?' with the straightforward claim that the person's mistaken evaluations are irrelevant. Pains are intrinsically bad. There should be less of it.

Stephanie Beardman who was finishing up at Rutgers just as I entered, came up with a more sophisticated response in her The choice between current and retrospective evaluations of pain (here's a pdf). In it she sets out several alternative interpretations of Kahneman's results and articulates some ways in which our preferences about past experiences may be more sophisticated than they at first seem.

Since she does a lot of what philosophers do best ---laying out the conceptual territory--- some of you empirically-minded folks may find it a useful source for developing uninvestigated hypotheses. It's also just a very nice gateway to some of the deep philosophical issues lurking just beneath the surface of seemingly easy questions. (Though be forewarned, it's a gateway drug too. A few early conversations with Stephanie definitely played a role in my getting hooked). In any event, you should read it.

12 April 2013

Digital Humanities SoCal Research Slam

For those in Southern California…..

DH SoCal Research Slam

Location: California State University, Northridge
Date: May 4, 2013
Deadline: April 15, 2013

DH SoCal is a network dedicated to building community and collaboration amongst digital humanists in Southern California. On May 4, 2013 we are holding our first research slam at California State University, Northridge. This one-day event will be designed to showcase Digital Humanities work being done in California and to create opportunities for interaction between digital humanists from around the region.

We invite proposals for poster presentations, short talks, and issue-based discussion panels in any area of the Digital Humanities. To propose a topic, please fill out the form below by April 15, 2013. The precise format of the event will depend on the number and types of submissions we receive. We will make every effort to accommodate all submissions, and you will be notified shortly after the deadline.

Please join us, show off what you are working on, and learn about the exciting work being done by other DHers in Southern California.

Details here

01 April 2013

Respiratory depression with oral tramadol

Respiratory depression following oral tramadol in a patient with impaired renal function
S. K. Barnung*, M. Treschow and F. M. Borgbjerg
Received 2 September 1996; revised 14 December 1996; accepted 6 January 1997. Available online 6 October 1998.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0304-3959(97)03350-2

27 January 2013

Chronic pain in children



ScienceDirect - Pain : The impact of chronic pain in children and adolescents: Development and initial validation of a child and parent version of the Pain Experience Questionnaire
doi:10.1016/j.pain.2007.06.002 How to Cite or Link Using DOI (Opens New Window)
Copyright © 2007 International Association for the Study of Pain Published by Elsevier B.V.

The impact of chronic pain in children and adolescents: Development and initial validation of a child and parent version of the Pain Experience Questionnaire

Abstract

Psychosocial factors are crucial for understanding and treating chronic pain in adults, but also in children. For children, very few questionnaires for a multidimensional pain assessment exist. In adults, the Multidimensional Pain Inventory (MPI; [Kerns RD, Turk DC, Rudy TE. The West Haven-Yale Multidimensional Pain Inventory (WHYMPI). Pain 1985;23:345–56]) has been widely used to determine patients’ adjustment to chronic pain. Using one section of the MPI as a model, we developed and evaluated the Pain Experience Questionnaire (PEQ) – child and parent version – that assesses the psychosocial impact of chronic pain in children and adolescents. As substantiated by confirmatory factor analysis in a sample of 111 children and adolescents (7–18 years) with chronic pain, the child PEQ entails the subscales pain severity, pain-related interference, affective distress and perceived social support. The parent version contains the subscales severity of the child’s pain, interference and parental affective distress. Child and parent PEQ subscales were internally consistent. Age was unrelated to PEQ subscale scores. Girls and their mothers endorsed significantly greater pain severity, interference and affective distress. Validity analyses yielded a pattern of correlations with measures of depression, trait anxiety, pain activity, child behaviors, pain-related cognitions, and parenting behavior that is consistent with psychometric data of the adult MPI and previous findings on psychosocial aspects of chronic pediatric pain. Significant differences between children depending on patient status (participants in experimental or treatment studies, outpatients, inpatients) suggest external validity of the PEQ. Despite the preliminary nature of the psychometric evaluation, the child and parent PEQ seem promising for a comprehensive assessment of pediatric pain.

Keywords: Pediatric pain; Psychosocial impact; Assessment; Questionnaire; Child report; Parental report

22 January 2013

ScienceDirect - Pain : Catastrophizing and perceived partner responses to pain

Pain : Catastrophizing and perceived partner responses to pain:
"Catastrophizing and perceived partner responses to pain
Jennifer L. Boothby, , a, Beverly E. Thornb, Lorraine Y. Overduina and L. Charles Wardc

Received 31 July 2003; Revised 12 February 2004; accepted 23 February 2004 AIB-16214

Abstract

This study examined the relationship between catastrophizing and patient-perceived partner responses to pain behaviors. The Catastrophizing subscale of the Cognitive Coping Strategy Inventory and the West Haven–Yale Multidimensional Pain Inventory were completed by 62 adult chronic pain patients. Consistent with past research, catastrophizing and patient-perceived solicitous partner behaviors were positively correlated with negative pain outcomes. The communal coping theory of catastrophizing suggests that catastrophizing might be undertaken to solicit support and empathy from others. However, catastrophizing was not related to perceived solicitous partner behavior in this study. Rather, catastrophizing was associated with perceived punishing partner responses. Implications are that catastrophizing and perceived solicitous partner behaviors are independently associated with pain and that catastrophizing may not be reinforced by empathy from significant others."

06 December 2012

Quench the Fire Run

Quench the fire flyer

Dear SoCal friends,

Causalgia (aka CRPS II or RSD) should be very high on your list of things that you do not want. If you're the sort who runs without being chased, come out this Sunday and support the USC Pain Center.


Quench the Fire Run



Also, MacGyver will be there!



Love,

Adam



02 November 2012

Malingering in people with pain



Blackwell Synergy - Pain Medicine, Volume 1 Issue 3 Page 280-282, September 2000 (Article Abstract
Volume 1 Issue 3 Page 280-282, September 2000
(2000) A Case of Malingering: Feigning a Painful Disorder in the Presence of True Medical Illness
Pain Medicine 1 (3) , 280–282 doi:10.1046/j.1526-4637.2000.00028.x
The potential for malingering must always be considered among patients presenting with pain. When malingering is identified, care may be discontinued. This case report describes a patient who feigned sickle cell crisis, a painful condition, in the presence of other identifiable and potentially painful medical illnesses.

26 August 2012

Tierney on drugs

Tierney on drugs

http://tierneylab.blogs.nytimes.com/tag/pain/

24 July 2012

Nocebo effects

Here's a nice post on some of the latest research on nocebo effects --the placebo's evil twin.



Are Warnings About the Side Effects of Drugs Making Us Sick? | NeuroTribes

I haven't looked into the nocebo effects for pain in too much detail. But I've profited immensely from carefully working through the placebo effect literature. I expect this could be similarly useful, especially in the differences between placebos and nocebos


I'd love to hear about any good philosophical work on nocebos.

05 July 2012

Addiction in pain patients estimation

David A. Fishbain, MD, FAPA, Brandly Cole, PsyD, John Lewis, PhD, Hubert L.
Rosomoff, MD, DMedSc, FAAPM, and R. Steele Rosomoff, BSN, MBA
Pain Medicine, 
doi: 10.1111/j.1526-4637.2007.00370.x

27 June 2012

More Sphenopalatine Ganglioneuralgia

I'm not yet over losing my ranking as the internet's number one source for all things sphenopalatine ganglioneuralgia. So, in a futile attempt to reclaim my crown, I share this little bit about ice cream headaches:

01 June 2012

ScienceDirect - Pain : Nicotine differentially activates inhibitory and excitatory neurons in the dorsal spinal cord

ScienceDirect - Pain : Nicotine differentially activates inhibitory and excitatory neurons in the dorsal spinal cord:

Matilde Cordero-Erausquin, Stéphanie Pons, Philippe Faure and Jean-Pierre Changeux,

Récepteurs et Cognition, CNRS URA2182, Institut Pasteur, 25 rue du Dr Roux, 75724, Paris Cedex 15, France


Abstract

Nicotinic agonists have well-documented antinociceptive properties when administered subcutaneously or intrathecally in mice. However, secondary mild to toxic effects are observed at analgesic doses, as a consequence of the activation of the large family of differentially expressed nicotinic receptors (nAChRs). In order to elucidate the action of nicotinic agonists on spinal local circuits, we have investigated the expression and function of nAChRs in functionally identified neurons of neonate mice spinal cord. Molecular markers, amplified at the single-cell level by RT-PCR, distinguished two neuronal populations in the dorsal horn of the spinal cord: GABAergic/glycinergic inhibitory interneurons, and calbindin (CA) or NK1 receptor (NK1-R) expressing, excitatory interneurons and projection neurons. The nicotinic response to acetylcholine of single cells was examined, as well as the pattern of expression of nAChR subunit transcripts in the same neuron. Beside the most expressed subunits 4, 2 and 7, the 2 subunit transcript was found in 19% of neurons, suggesting that agonists targeting 2* nAChRs may have specific actions at a spinal level without major supra-spinal effects. Both inhibitory and excitatory neurons responded to nicotinic stimulation, however, the nAChRs involved were markedly different. Whereas GABA/glycine interneurons preferentially expressed 462* nAChRs, 327* nAChRs were preferentially expressed by CA or NK1-R expressing neurons. Recorded neurons were also classified by firing pattern, for comparison to results from single-cell RT-PCR studies. Altogether, our results identify distinct sites of action of nicotinic agonists in circuits of the dorsal horn, and lead us closer to an understanding of mechanisms of nicotinic spinal analgesia."

10 February 2012

Labor pain

ScienceDaily (Jun. 4, 1997) — For almost 20 years, researchers have been examining a centuries-old phenomenon -- women helping women through childbirth. Continuous support from an experienced female companion, called a "doula" from the Greek word for servant, has been demonstrated to have impressive benefits, including shorter labors, less need for analgesia, and reduced likelihood of cesarean delivery. These findings about a time-proven, risk-free method come at a time when the focus in childbirth is on increased use of technology and medical intervention.

In a recent study, researchers John Kennell, M.D., and Susan K. McGrath, Ph.D., from the Department of Pediatrics at the Case Western Reserve University (CWRU) School of Medicine, looked at the childbirth experience of women at a Houston maternity hospital. Thirty-nine women were randomly chosen to be supported by a doula. Another 45 first-time mothers were randomly chosen to receive epidural analgesia to help control the pain of labor and delivery but were not supported by a doula. The day after delivery, both groups of women were asked to evaluate their pain levels and ability to cope with pain at three different times during childbirth. They rated their pain as ranging from "no pain" to "maximum pain" at the following times: 1) before receiving pain intervention (epidural analgesia or doula support), 2) after pain relief intervention, and 3) 24 hours after delivery. (Women who delivered by cesarean section were not included in the pain evaluation analysis.)

For women in both groups, pain was rated highest before the pain relief intervention, significantly less after the intervention, and much less again 24 hours after delivery. More importantly, when the pain evaluations from women in the doula group were compared to those from women in the epidural group, the two groups experienced equivalent levels of pain at all three measurement points.

Laboring women supported by a doula (with no pain relief medication) experienced the same levels of pain as women who received epidural analgesia, both during and after labor. Additionally, there were no differences in a laboring woman's ability to cope with pain whether she had an epidural or the continuous emotional support of an experienced doula.

According to the researchers, doula support is an effective, risk-free, non-pharmacologic, and inexpensive pain relief method that may be a viable alternative to epidural analgesia for many women in labor. Without the negative side effects and expense of an epidural, doula support offers the laboring woman a significant reduction in the pain of childbirth while also decreasing the chance for a cesarean delivery. Physicians, midwives, and consumers should consider these results when choosing obstetric pain relief.

The research team also included Vijay S. Varadarajulu, a premedical student at CWRU.

Adapted from materials provided by Johns Hopkins Children's Center.
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Johns Hopkins Children's Center (1997, June 4). Doula Support Found To Be A Risk-Free Alternative For Pain Relief During Childbirth. ScienceDaily. Retrieved March 19, 2008, from http://www.sciencedaily.com­ /releases/1997/06/970604100308.htm


Epidural Leads To Less Pain, More Assisted Deliveries

ScienceDaily (Nov. 22, 2005) — Women who receive epidurals during labor report less pain than those who choose opiates or natural childbirth, according to a systematic review of evidence.

Yet epidurals bring an increased risk of delivery assisted by forceps or vacuum. The pluses and minuses mean that a woman’s decision about pain relief is not clear-cut.

“Each woman will have to weigh how much it means to her to have a spontaneous vaginal delivery versus having more pain in labor,” said lead author Dr. Millicent Anim-Somuah of the Liverpool Women’s Hospital in England.

On a more positive note, mothers who receive the spinal injections are no more likely than others to require Caesarian sections or to suffer chronic backaches. Their infants are equally healthy soon after birth.

Epidural analgesia involves injecting a local anesthetic into the lower back to block pain impulses from the uterus and birth canal. Obstetricians introduced the technique in 1946, and 58 percent of American women now choose this form of pain relief during childbirth, according to the authors.

The review appears in the most recent issue of The Cochrane Library, a publication of The Cochrane Collaboration, an international organization that evaluates medical research. Systematic reviews draw evidence-based conclusions about medical practice after considering both the content and quality of existing medical trials on a topic.

The reviewers analyzed 21 studies involving more than 6,000 women. Most of the participants were in the United States, England and Australia.

“It’s always been suspected that epidurals slow down your labor,” said Anim-Somuah. The study confirmed that the nerve block lengthens the stage during which the mother must push the baby through the birth canal. This leads to greater use of medication to stimulate contractions and a 38 percent increase in risk of instrumental delivery.

The precise timing of the epidural injection may be an important factor, says Todd Liu, M.D., a fellow of the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists who practices in New Jersey.

“Should you get your epidural when you first feel a contraction or when you are in a strong labor pattern?” Liu asked. “I would guess that there would be a higher [Caesarian section] rate if epidurals are given too early.”


Finally, there are certain “rare but potentially severe adverse effects” associated with epidurals, says the review. These include spinal cord injuries and permanent paralysis in the mother. These are so rare that incidence rates are currently unknown.

Randomized controlled trials like those included in Cochrane reviews are not well-suited to studying such uncommon events, said Anim-Somuah. “There should be some ongoing data collection as to whether these are occurring with epidurals.”

For now, Liu said, “My usual recommendation is that if labor is going to be long (usually with the first baby) and labor pains are very intense … then it is worth getting an epidural and accepting the potential risk.”

A potential weakness of the review is that only one trial studied childbirth without any painkillers at all.

Adapted from materials provided by Center for the Advancement of Health.
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Center for the Advancement of Health (2005, November 22). Epidural Leads To Less Pain, More Assisted Deliveries. ScienceDaily. Retrieved March 19, 2008, from http://www.sciencedaily.com­ /releases/2005/11/051122210414.htm


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From Chloroform To Epidurals: New Book By UF Physician Examines History Of Labor Pain Relief

ScienceDaily (Mar. 1, 2000) — GAINESVILLE, Fla.---Is the pain of childbirth an ancient curse, a meaningful passage to the beginning of a new life or simply a bout of agony to be endured with a generous helping of anesthesia?

Views of labor pain have shifted with the times, shaped by culture, but also by advances in medicine. Physicians have found reasonably effective ways of diminishing the most excruciating sensations, yet the 150-year history of anesthesia reveals what a complicated journey it has been, according to a University of Florida anesthesiologist.

"On the surface, it seems to be such a simple issue-there is pain and we can relieve it. Yet there are many philosophical and social ramifications, which have been viewed in very different ways through the years," said Dr. Donald Caton whose recently published book, "What A Blessing She Had Chloroform," delves into the medical and social history of relieving labor pain.

"Childbirth is such a very personal thing, so you see a range of reactions," Caton said. "Today, some women refuse anesthesia outright because they feel pain is part of the birth experience. Some refuse it for biblical reasons, citing the Book of Genesis story and its linking of punishment with childbirth."

And under the banner of feminism, women have alternated between demanding that anesthesia be given or insisting that it not.

The diversity of attitudes has at times caught the medical field off-guard. Caton, a professor of anesthesiology at UF's College of Medicine, says that early in his career he was surprised when some women would refuse his assistance. Now he sees obstetric pain relief as a fascinating case study of how science and culture evolve, influencing each other along the way.

Soon after the first modern anesthetic was introduced in 1846, some women began to push for its use in labor. Physicians, however, had to grapple with issues of safety -- and at a time when they were only beginning to learn how to investigate such questions scientifically.

"In 1820, they still had been learning that the body is composed of earth, air, fire and water and that disease is caused by an imbalance of those elements," Caton said. "So when anesthesia became available, physicians had a lot to sort through. It was first used for surgery, which makes sense because without pain relief, some operations simply couldn't be performed.

"But childbirth was seen as a natural process, and physicians had a very difficult time trying to figure out if the pain of it was a necessary part of that process. They needed to determine whether eliminating or at least diminishing pain would in itself cause labor to stop."

Though it would take into well into the next century to answer those questions, that didn't keep physicians from experimenting. In 1847, Scottish obstetrician James Young Simpson administered ether to a woman in delivery, just a few weeks after a Massachusetts dentist had publicly demonstrated its use for surgery. That same year, Fanny Wadsworth Longfellow, wife of the poet, became the first woman in the United States to give birth with the aid of pain relief.

In England, Queen Victoria was an early recipient. Then in 1859, when her oldest daughter gave birth, the queen offered the phrase that would become the title of Caton's book: "What a blessing she had chloroform."

But while physicians continued to study the effects of labor medications, obstetric anesthesia was far from routine. By the early 20th century, American feminists had become more and more impatient that labor pain relief was not widely available.

They campaigned for a new European technique called Twilight Sleep. Unfortunately, the combination of morphine and a disorienting drug called scopolamine was far from the perfect solution. Pain was still significant, and too high a dose could prove toxic. What little Twilight Sleep had to offer was of dubious value: the possibility that women would forget the birthing experience.

As the 20th century wore on, though, anesthesiologists became adept at relieving pain in a manner they believed to be safe for both mother and child. However, their confidence in its safety led to higher and higher doses, which sparked a backlash. English obstetrician Grantly Dick Read advocated a return to natural childbirth, and later French obstetrician Fernand Lamaze did as well. A new wave of feminism in 1960s and 1970s took up the cause against medicalized childbirth, arguing that physicians were taking away women's right to experience labor and delivery.

Today, Caton believes, the vehemence of the natural childbirth movement has passed. Women appear to have less pressure on them to choose or reject anesthesia. Currently, about 60 percent of women in the United States receive some form of pain relief for vaginal delivery, usually an epidural, a type of regional anesthesia.

"At the same time," Caton points out, "there is this residual idea in the culture as seen through literature, religion and politics that maybe pain has meaning and has important social benefits," such as establishing family bonds, inspiring people to try harder or as a method of controlling criminals.

"In childbirth, you continue to see that for some women, experiencing childbirth pain is extremely important to their personal and social development," Caton said. "But then there are a lot of people who think, 'I have local anesthesia when I go to the dentist's office, I'm certainly going to have it when I have my child.' So most of them do."

Adapted from materials provided by University Of Florida Health Science Center.
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University Of Florida Health Science Center (2000, March 1). From Chloroform To Epidurals: New Book By UF Physician Examines History Of Labor Pain Relief. ScienceDaily. Retrieved March 19, 2008, from http://www.sciencedaily.com­ /releases/2000/02/000228103624.htm

21 December 2011

Arthritis National Research Foundation

Arthritis sucks. Rheumatoid Arthritis is especially sucky.

Here's a gentle description of what happened to my grandmother from the Arthritis National Research Foundation.
She once swam competitively, but no longer could. She had difficulty doing the shopping for her family. Everyday pleasures were dulled by pain. The simplest movements required tremendous effort and concentration.

Joyce Sontag was a victim of rheumatoid arthritis (RA), a debilitating, progressive autoimmune disease. She was diagnosed with the disease at the age of 35 and lived 37 long years fighting the disease's progress in her body and in her life. Sadly, her family watched this decline without being given much hope for relief or remission, other than the treatment of symptoms.

Mrs. Sontag was hospitalized at the Long Beach Memorial Medical Center when she died from complications of rheumatoid arthritis in 1993. The treatments she received for RA from the late 1950s to the 1990s often had more negative side effects than positive effects for pain relief. The disease spread beyond the joints to other organs. Gradually, Mrs. Sontag became more and more debilitated, suffering acute weight loss and spinal column degeneration.

The Sontag Foundation




So, this is me urging you to donate to the ARNF or other organization supporting scientific research into the causes and treatment of arthritis.

Donate to the ARNF

(If you're wealthy, I will love you forever if your donation puts my Uncle in his place.)

16 December 2011

SERE training and torture

http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2007/06/21/cia_sere/print.html

The CIA's torture teachers
Psychologists helped the CIA exploit a secret military program to develop brutal interrogation tactics -- likely with the approval of the Bush White House.

By Mark Benjamin

Jun. 21, 2007 | There is growing evidence of high-level coordination between the Central Intelligence Agency and the U.S. military in developing abusive interrogation techniques used on terrorist suspects. After the Sept. 11 attacks, both turned to a small cadre of psychologists linked to the military's secretive Survival, Evasion, Resistance and Escape program to "reverse-engineer" techniques originally designed to train U.S. soldiers to resist torture if captured, by exposing them to brutal treatment. The military's use of SERE training for interrogations in the war on terror was revealed in detail in a recently declassified report. But the CIA's use of such tactics -- working in close coordination with the military -- until now has remained largely unknown.

According to congressional sources and mental healthcare professionals knowledgeable about the secret program who spoke with Salon, two CIA-employed psychologists, James Mitchell and Bruce Jessen, were at the center of the program, which likely violated the Geneva Conventions on the treatment of prisoners. The two are currently under investigation: Salon has learned that Daniel Dell'Orto, the principal deputy general counsel at the Department of Defense, sent a "document preservation" order on May 15 to the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and other top Pentagon officials forbidding the destruction of any document mentioning Mitchell and Jessen or their psychological consulting firm, Mitchell, Jessen and Associates, based in Spokane, Wash. Dell'Orto's order was in response to a May 1 request from Sen. Carl Levin, the Democratic chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, who is investigating the abuse of prisoners in U.S. custody.

Mitchell and Jessen have worked as contractors for the CIA since 9/11. Both were previously affiliated with the military's SERE program, which at its main school at Fort Bragg puts elite special operations forces through brutal mock interrogations, from sensory deprivation to simulated drowning.

A previously classified report by the Defense Department's inspector general, made public last month, revealed in vivid detail how the military -- in flat contradiction to previous denials -- used SERE as a basis for interrogating suspected al-Qaida prisoners at Guantánamo Bay, and later in Iraq and Afghanistan. Moreover, the involvement of the CIA, which was secretly granted broad authority by President Bush days after 9/11 to target terrorists worldwide, suggests that both the military and the spy agency were following a policy approved by senior Bush administration officials.

Close coordination between the CIA and the Pentagon is referred to in military lingo as "jointness." A retired high-level military official, familiar with the detainee abuse scandals, confirmed that such "jointness" requires orchestration at the top levels of government. "This says that somebody is acting as a bridge between the CIA and the Defense Department," he said, "because you've got the [CIA] side and the military side, and they are collaborating." Human-rights expert Scott Horton, who chairs the International Law Committee at the New York City Bar Association, also says that the cross-agency coordination "reflects the fact that the decision to introduce and develop these methods was made at a very high level."

On Wednesday, dozens of psychologists made public a joint letter to American Psychological Association president Sharon Brehm fingering another CIA-employed psychologist, R. Scott Shumate. Previous news reports led the American Medical Association and the American Psychiatric Association to ban their members from participating in interrogations, but the issue has remained divisive within the American Psychological Association, which has not forbidden the practice. "We write you as psychologists concerned about the participation of our profession in abusive interrogations of national security detainees at Guantanamo, in Iraq and Afghanistan, and at the so-called CIA 'black sites,'" the psychologists wrote. In violation of APA ethics, they said, "It is now indisputable that psychologists and psychology were directly and officially responsible for the development and migration of abusive interrogation techniques, techniques which the International Committee of the Red Cross has labeled 'tantamount to torture.'" [Ed. note: The full letter detailing the allegations of APA complicity can be read here.]

The letter cites a previously public biographical statement on Shumate that listed his position from April 2001 to May 2003 as "the chief operational psychologist for the CIA's Counter Terrorism Center." The bio also noted that Shumate "has been with several of the key apprehended terrorists" who have been held and interrogated by the agency since 9/11. At CTC, Shumate reported to Cofer Black, the former head of CTC who famously told Congress in September 2002, "There was a before 9/11, and there was an after 9/11. After 9/11 the gloves come off." Shumate's bio, obtained by Salon, has been removed from the InfowarCon 2007 conference Web site. Shumate did not return a phone call seeking comment.

The SERE-based program undermines assertions made for years by Bush administration officials that interrogations conducted by U.S. personnel are safe, effective and legal. SERE training, according to the Department of Defense inspector general's report, is specifically designed "to replicate harsh conditions that the service member might encounter if they are held by forces that do not abide by the Geneva Conventions."

"The irony -- and ultimately the tragedy -- in the migration of SERE techniques is that the program was specifically designed to protect our soldiers from countries that violated the Geneva Conventions," says Brad Olson, president of the Divisions for Social Justice within the American Psychological Association. "The result of the reverse-engineering, however, was that by making foreign detainees the target, it made us the country that violated the Geneva Conventions," he says.

There are striking similarities between descriptions of SERE training and the interrogation techniques employed by the military and CIA since 9/11. Soldiers undergoing SERE training are subject to forced nudity, stress positions, lengthy isolation, sleep deprivation, sexual humiliation, exhaustion from exercise, and the use of water to create a sensation of suffocation. "If you have ever had a bag on your head and somebody pours water on it," one graduate of that training program told Salon last year "it is real hard to breathe."

Many of those techniques show up in interrogation logs, human rights reports and news articles about detainee abuse that has taken place in Guantánamo, Afghanistan and Iraq. (The military late last year unveiled a new interrogation manual designed to put a stop to prisoner abuse.) An investigation released this month by the Council of Europe, a multinational human rights agency, added extreme sensory deprivation to the list of techniques that have been used by the CIA. The report said that extended isolation contributed to "enduring psychiatric and mental problems" of prisoners.

Isolation in cramped cells is also a key tenet of SERE training, according to soldiers who have completed the training and described it in detail to Salon. The effects of isolation are a specialty of Jessen's, who taught a class on "coping with isolation in a hostage environment" at a Maui seminar in late 2003, according to a Washington Times article published then. (Defense Department documents from the late 1990s describe Jessen as the "lead psychologist" for the SERE program.) Mitchell also spoke at that conference, according to the article. It described both men as "contracted to Uncle Sam to fight terrorism."

Mitchell's name surfaced again many months later. His role in interrogations was referenced briefly in a July 2005 New Yorker article by Jane Mayer, which focused largely on the military's use of SERE-based tactics at Guantánamo. The article described Mitchell's participation in a CIA interrogation of a high-value prisoner in March 2002 at an undisclosed location elsewhere -- presumably a secret CIA prison known as a "black site" -- where Mitchell urged harsh techniques that would break down the prisoner's psychological defenses, creating a feeling of "helplessness." But the article did not confirm Mitchell was a CIA employee, and it explored no further the connection between Mitchell's background with SERE and interrogations being conducted by the CIA.

A call to Mitchell and Jessen's firm for comment was not returned. The CIA would not comment on Mitchell and Jessen's work for the agency, though the contractual relationship is not one Mitchell and Jessen entirely concealed. They advertised their CIA credentials as exhibitors at a 2004 conference of the American Psychological Association in Honolulu.

In a statement to Salon, CIA spokesman George Little wrote that the agency's interrogation program had been "implemented lawfully, with great care and close review, producing a rich volume of intelligence that has helped the United States and other countries disrupt terrorist activities and save innocent lives."

Until last month, the Army had denied any use of SERE training for prisoner interrogations. "We do not teach interrogation techniques," Carol Darby, chief spokeswoman for the U.S. Army Special Operations Command at Fort Bragg, said last June when Salon asked about a document that appeared to indicate that instructors from the SERE school taught their methods to interrogators at Guantánamo.

But the declassified DoD inspector general's report described initiatives by high-level military officials to incorporate SERE concepts into interrogations. And it said that psychologists affiliated with SERE training -- people like Mitchell and Jessen -- played a critical role. According to the inspector general, the Army Special Operations Command's Psychological Directorate at Fort Bragg first drafted a plan to have the military reverse-engineer SERE training in the summer of 2002. At the same time, the commander of Guantánamo determined that SERE tactics might be used on detainees at the military prison. Then in September 2002, the Army Special Operations Command and other SERE officials hosted a "SERE psychologist conference" at Fort Bragg to brief staff from the military's prison at Guantánamo on the use of SERE tactics.

The chief of the Army Special Operations Command's Psychological Directorate was Col. Morgan Banks, the senior SERE psychologist, who has been affiliated with the training for years and helped establish the Army's first permanent training program that simulated captivity, according to a 2003 biographical statement. Banks also spent the winter of 2001 and 2002 at Bagram Airfield in Afghanistan "supporting combat operations against Al Qaida and Taliban fighters," according to one of his bios, which also said that Banks "provides technical support and consultation to all Army psychologists providing interrogation support."

In 2005, Banks helped draft ethical guidelines for the APA that say a psychologist supporting an interrogation is providing "a valuable and ethical role to assist in protecting our nation, other nations, and innocent civilians from harm." But as Salon reported last summer, six of the 10 psychologists who drafted that policy, including Banks, had close ties to the military. Some psychologists worry that the APA policy has made the organization an enabler of torture. Those ethics guidelines "gave the APA imprimatur to any of these techniques," says Steven Reisner, an APA member who has been closely tracking psychologists' role in interrogations. The policy, Reisner says, was developed by "psychologists directly involved in the interrogations."

Another of the six psychologists on the panel that drafted the guidelines who had ties to the military was Shumate. His bio for that APA task force said he worked as a "director of behavioral science" for the Defense Department. It never mentioned that he also worked for the CIA.

-- By Mark Benjamin

Link